By Paul E. Gottfried
Publish yr note: First released January 1st 1999
In this trenchant problem to social engineering, Paul Gottfried analyzes a patricide: the slaying of nineteenth-century liberalism through the managerial nation. many folks, after all, become aware of that liberalism not connotes allotted powers and bourgeois ethical criteria, the necessity to defend civil society from an encroaching kingdom, or the virtues of lively self-government. Many additionally comprehend that today's "liberals" have some distance various pursuits from these in their predecessors, aiming as they do principally to wrestle prejudice, to supply social companies and welfare advantages, and to safeguard expressive and "lifestyle" freedoms. Paul Gottfried does greater than learn those historic evidence, even if. He builds on them to teach why it issues that the managerial country has changed conventional liberalism: the hot regimes of social engineers, he keeps, are elitists, and their rule is consensual basically within the feel that it really is unopposed by means of any frequent equipped opposition.
Throughout the western global, more and more uprooted populations unthinkingly settle for centralized controls in trade for various entitlements. of their scary passivity, Gottfried locates the problem for traditionalist and populist adversaries of the welfare country. How can competitors of administrative elites exhibit the general public that those that supply, notwithstanding ineptly, for his or her fabric wishes are the enemies of democratic self-rule and of self reliant selection making in family members existence? If we don't get up, Gottfried warns, the political debate may possibly quickly be over, regardless of sporadic and ideologically careworn populist rumblings in either Europe and the USA.
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Extra info for After Liberalism: Mass Democracy in the Managerial State
This yardstick seems to be the one most suitable for 27 CHAPTER 1 policy analysts and political theorists alike. And there is a precedent for this form of measurement. After the Second World War, the American government spent treasure and energy to “repoliticize” occupied Germany and Japan on the basis of its liberal democratic ideals. Thus the American system became as linked to a spiritual mission as was the Catholic empire of seventeenth-century Spain. Despite these conversionary efforts, one may be justified to continue to ask whether liberal democracy is not perpetuating an older liberal tradition or whether “liberal democracy,” to speak like Thomas Hobbes, is not merely the name we choose to use.
29 ✸ CHAPTER TWO ✸ Liberalism vs. Democracy LIBERAL AND DEMOCRATIC MENTALITIES A PROCESS that drew attention at the turn of the century, and even earlier, was the movement from a bourgeois liberal into a mass democratic society. Not all of those who observed this process made the same judgments about it. Some, including the European socialists and the founding generation of American social planners, welcomed democratization; others, such as Max Weber, considered it to be an inevitable outcome of capitalism, technology, and the spread of the electoral franchise.
In what way, might we ask, is this true? Does Galston believe that those who have produced desired change over the course of centuries are simply personifications of his own values? In any case he never demonstrates that one can find liberal principles that are entirely unrelated to older sources. As socially and culturally situated beings, most of us do not act exclusively on the basis of any one set of principles. Even in Galston’s case, no consistent set emerges from his demonstration. In Rawls’s speculative exercise it is equally doubtful that we are dealing with actual people.