Download Affix Ordering Across Languages and Frameworks by Stela Manova PDF

By Stela Manova

This quantity advances our realizing of ways observe constitution when it comes to affix ordering is prepared within the languages of the realm. A principal factor in linguistic concept, affix ordering gets a lot consciousness among the learn neighborhood, notwithstanding such a lot experiences take care of just one language. in contrast, nearly all of the chapters during this quantity reflect on multiple language and supply facts from typologically diversified languages, a few of that are tested for the 1st time. Many chapters specialise in instances of affix ordering that problem linguistic concept with such phenomena as affix repetition and variable ordering, either one of that are proven to be neither infrequent nor average basically of lesser-studied languages with volatile grammatical association, as formerly assumed. The booklet additionally bargains an particular dialogue at the non-existence of phonological affix ordering, with a spotlight on cellular affixation, and one at the emergence of affix ordering in baby language, the 1st of its type within the literature. Repetitive operations, bad in lots of theories, are common in early baby language and appear to function trainings for morphological decomposition and affix stacking. hence, the amount additionally increases vital questions in regards to the basic structure of grammar and the character and unintended effects of our theoretical assumptions.

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Consider the distribution of time span adverbials as an example: (27) alim beš minut-xa cojun-nu tol-dur-du. 3sg 1. ’ 2. ’ 3. ’ (28) cojun beš minut-xa tol-un-du. 3sg 1. ’ 2. ’ 3. 1). 3), are impossible. Interpretation of time span adverbials combined with causatives and causal passives of unergatives is different. Consider the causative first: (29) alim beš minut-xa kerim-ni škol-ʁa cap-tır-dı. 3sg 1. ’ 2. ’ 3. ’ Here the adverbial can take scope over the causing subevent, over the caused subevent or over both.

Kölek kerim-ni küc-ü ble zırt-ıl-dı3. ’ (5) (6) kölek kerim-ni küc-ü ble zırt-ıl-ın-dı. 3sg 1. ’ 2. ’ (6) is different. Here we have three participants of the event, the theme (shirt), the agent (the one who tears the shirt), and b. zırt-ıl zırt-ıl-ın *zırt-ıl-ıl tear-pass tear-pass-pass tear-pass-pass c. qıjına *qıjına-n qıjına-l torture torture-pass torture-pass d. ’ Here the postposition bla/ble ‘by, with’ takes the DP ‘X’s force’ as a complement, where X is a Genitive possessor that triggers agreement on the possessee küc ‘force’.

3sg 1. ’ 2. ’ (48) shows the type of ambiguity characteristic of a configuration that involves three subevents, Alim’s jumping, X’s making Alim jump, and Y’s making X make Alim jump. Depending on whether Kerim, the causer introduced by the by-phrase, is identified with X or with Y, two readings of (48) obtain. As we know from section 3, the passive morpheme, when combined with intransitives, induces causative coercion, (22), repeated as (49): (49) -l-PASS (Vintrans) → -l-PASS (CAUS(Vintrans)) In (49), covert causativization creates a transitive structure [CAUS(Vintrans)]trans required by the passive.

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